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09Dec

December 1925: A Midnight Murder at West Portal of the Moffat Tunnel

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / December 9, 2025 / Comments are closed

Heavy snow and deeper uncertainty made December 1925 the month when West Portal realized danger didn’t always come from the mountain.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

December 1925 unfolded with a mix of anticipation and restraint, as if the year itself were holding its breath while Colorado looked toward the approaching breakthrough. Newspapers across the northwest interpreted the tunnel not simply as a piece of engineering work but as the instrument that would finally unlock the region’s potential. The Craig Empire captured this hope in its December 30th issue, insisting that “all Northwestern Colorado ever needed was transportation… with the building of the Western railroad and completion of the Moffat Tunnel, it will have transportation. Its farms will be reclaimed, its mines and oil fields opened, new enterprises of all kinds started, for transportation will open it to the markets of the world.” Communities were beginning to treat the tunnel’s impending completion as a turning point that would reorganize regional economics the moment trains could pass through the Continental Divide.

Yet the month’s actual progress figures did not match the scale of those expectations. East Portal entered the final days of December under heavy water flow—about 150 gallons per minute pouring into the pilot and railroad headings—requiring four pumps to operate around the clock. The water came from seams in the rock, but despite the volume, crews noted one saving grace: no timbering had been needed. The relative stability fit a broader truth about the east side of James Peak. There were fewer surface depressions, more pitch to the mountain, and fast snowmelt runoff, meaning fewer pockets where water could accumulate and percolate downward.

The west side behaved in the opposite manner. Engineers explained that every time the heading passed beneath a swamp or stream, soft ground followed. With more and deeper surface depressions, the West Portal became a collector of moisture, forcing the tunnel to contend with poor rock in zone after zone. Recent trouble was attributed by some to seepage from Fawn Creek, which may have been feeding downward along the slope. The last major obstacle still lay ahead: a branch of Ranch Creek—lying east of the Fawn Creek zone along the line of advance yet still part of the same west-side hydrologic regime—half a mile forward and 1,500 feet above the bore. The difficulty was serious enough that the contractors—Hitchcock and Tinkler—along with General Manager Lewis and Superintendent Kauffman, spent nearly all their time in the headings during December, guiding crews through what papers simply described as “treacherous ground.”

As the year closed, one newspaper offered a year-end snapshot of progress: the water tunnel stood at 14,220 feet from the east and 10,980 from the west, a total of 25,200 feet, reported as “seventy-eight percent completed”; the main headings were 14,200 feet east and 10,950 west, a total of roughly 25,150 feet, listed as “seventy-seven and nine-tenths percent completed”; and the railroad tunnel measured 11,600 feet east and 4,680 west, a combined 16,280 feet, said to be “fifty-one percent completed.”

While the numbers stalled, life around the portals continued in rhythms shaped by the season. Men left the camps in the days leading up to Christmas, thinning both portals as workers sought a brief return to their families. Some stories reflected the long arc of labor: Frank Beck, who had suffered a broken leg months earlier at the tunnel, had spent several months recuperating at home in Steamboat Springs. He returned to West Portal in early December, then left again to spend Christmas with his family before going straight back to work the following Sunday. Others captured the quieter continuity of community: on Christmas morning, Ernest Eugene Leist was born to Mr. and Mrs. William Leist, his father employed at East Portal; and on December 23, a marriage license was issued to Lawrence Pastorius and Marie Chidester, both of West Portal (they later divorced in 1938). Federal attention to the tunnel towns continued as well. In Christmas week, the U.S. Senate confirmed Vernet A. Kauffman to a four-year term as postmaster of West Portal, signaling that the settlement, however temporary it might appear on maps, mattered enough to receive formal civic appointments.

Not every December headline tied to the tunnel community was hopeful. In Denver, twelve-year-old Earl Frink was killed when a small tunnel in the backyard of the Tuckaway home at 1147 West Mississippi Avenue in Denver collapsed. Earl’s father worked at East Portal. Although the boy’s death was unrelated to the Moffat Tunnel project, the story landed with a particular ache because the circumstances suggest he may have been attempting to imitate the kind of work he saw shaping his father’s daily life—a tragic echo of the larger excavation unfolding under James Peak.

The month also brought movement on the political and economic architecture that would govern the tunnel once completed. The Moffat Tunnel Commission fixed rental values at two-thirds of the project’s total cost for the railroad tunnel and one-third for the water tunnel. The Denver & Salt Lake Railroad was the only applicant, though exclusivity was forbidden by law, guaranteeing eventual access to any other road that sought rights. At the same time, Denver continued its fight to control the water bore, armed with an Interior Department ruling that declared it more important to provide Denver with an adequate supply than to furnish water to the Fraser Sources Irrigation and Power Company. The ruling sharpened the stakes surrounding the water tunnel precisely because Denver’s own water use was immense—averaging 55,830,000 gallons per day in 1925, with a peak of 100,850,000 gallons on August 2, 1924, spread across 781 miles of mains and nearly four thousand hydrants. The water tunnel was increasingly understood as a future lifeline for a city already straining its existing system.

Gerald Hughes told the Denver Real Estate Exchange that the railroad would be fully reorganized and ready to run trains through the tunnel on the very first day the bore was completed. That confidence, however, glossed over the substantial operational, financial, and physical hurdles that still stood between aspiration and reality; the statement revealed more about the desire to project readiness than about the project’s actual condition.

It was in the midst of this combination of progress, pressure, and early-winter storms that West Portal—normally a predictable, work-worn settlement—was jolted by a crime so sudden and intimate that it briefly overshadowed the tunnel’s advance.


On a cold winter night in late December 1925, in a settlement carved out of snowdrifts and railroad ambitions, Fred Sperandio opened his back-room door to someone he seemed to know. A flicker of matchlight flashed against the cold timber. A single shot cracked through the dark. And by sunrise, the quiet community of West Portal—perched at the western mouth of the not-yet-completed Moffat Tunnel—had become the epicenter of a killing that baffled investigators, stirred fears among tunnel workers, and left a lasting mystery in the high country.

Newspaper accounts from Denver, Leadville, Fraser, and Colorado Springs scrambled to tell the story of the Italian immigrant who managed the recreation hall at West Portal and was struck down in the very room he lived in. Their coverage, uneven but earnest, paints a portrait of a man whose life was equal parts courage and conflict, and a crime scene that raised more questions than the bloodhounds, posses, or railroad guards could answer.

A LIFE LIVED IN THE HIGH COUNTRY

Fred Sperandio’s story begins far from Colorado. Born in Tyrol, Italy in 1887, he grew up “in the shadow of the Alps,” served in the Austrian army, and emigrated to the United States with his brother James in 1911. He worked mines in Trinidad, then Leadville, managing the Big Four mine with A. Seppi before moving to West Portal in 1921. There, he purchased a half interest in the recreation hall, a soft-drink and pool establishment that doubled as a social hub for tunnel workers.

Friends remembered him as adventurous, bold, faithful to those he trusted—yet also “reckless,” competitive, and adept enough at gambling to make money at it. Some said he was well liked and had no enemies. Others insisted he had collected a few. Both views were true. Sperandio could be generous and warm, but his fearlessness, his success at cards, and his habit of keeping cash on hand created undercurrents that did not always surface in polite company.

By December 1925, Sperandio lived in a small room at the back of the recreation hall, where he kept substantial sums from nightly receipts and private winnings hidden in secret caches. He knew the risks, but he had weathered worse in Europe’s mountains and Colorado’s mines. Confidence served him well—until the night it didn’t.

A KNOCK IN THE NIGHT

On Saturday, December 19th, Sperandio closed the hall near midnight and went to bed. Sometime after, a noise came from the alley door. Every version of the story agrees on the crucial detail: Sperandio rose, dressed at least enough to answer the door, struck a match to light his way, and opened the door to someone he recognized. Whether that visitor spoke to him or merely stepped forward is lost to history. What is not lost is the bullet, fired from a .45-caliber Colt automatic, that passed through his heart almost immediately. He died where he fell.

By morning, Edward Evans—the recreation hall’s day manager—arrived to open the place and found him on the floor. The room had been torn apart. Mattresses were slashed open. One showed signs of burning, as did parts of Sperandio’s clothing. The bed itself had been set alight. Someone had tried to burn the room or the body or both. The cash register had been emptied of roughly $125, but the real target had been the hidden money in Sperandio’s room, an amount somewhere between $1,500 and $1,800*. It was gone. (*In 2025 dollars, that amount translates to approximately $28,000–$33,000.)

CONFLICTING CLUES AND EARLY THEORIES

Grand County Sheriff Mark E. Fletcher and Deputy Sheriff James Quinn arrived from Hot Sulphur Springs, but the facts refused to resolve cleanly. Early reports floated the idea of two killers—one who hid inside the hall before closing and another who waited outside the sleeping quarters. Within forty-eight hours, however, Fletcher stated flatly that he now believed one man committed the murder, and that “clues unearthed” supported the theory that the killer was an acquaintance of Sperandio.

The sheriff’s reconstructed version of events—echoed by multiple Denver papers—held that Sperandio had been awakened by a noise at the rear door, had gotten up and dressed, and had stepped forward with a match in hand when the concealed robber fired. This version better matched the tight confines of the room, the single point of entry, and the precise shot. More importantly, it aligned with the inference that Sperandio would only open that door after midnight for someone he trusted.

The conflicting press portrayals of Fred’s personal life now took on new meaning. Some newspapers quoted locals saying he had “no enemies.” Others, relying on Leadville sources who had known him for years, admitted he had made a few. When weighed against the intimate nature of the killing and the deliberate effort to destroy evidence afterward, the latter assessment seems more convincing. The murderer did not stumble onto opportunity; he acted with knowledge—of Sperandio, of his routines, and of his hidden money.

SNOWBOUND MOUNTAINS AND A RACE AGAINST DISAPPEARING TRACKS

Snow had buried West Portal that week. Every report emphasizes the same reality: all roads were impassable, blanketed by gigantic drifts. Fletcher declared that escape by road was impossible, and he deployed men to watch the mountain passes in case the killer attempted to flee on snowshoes. The only viable escape route was the railroad.

Trains on the Moffat Road were carefully guarded. Passenger lists were checked. In one striking detail from a Denver story, officers discovered that a man who had boarded at West Portal was missing when the train reached Denver. No follow-up ever clarified who he was.

Recognizing the urgency, Fletcher summoned bloodhounds from the Quillen kennels in Colorado Springs. Their arrival on December 22nd produced the most tantalizing, if inconclusive, movement in the case. Released at the scene, the dogs ran directly toward the railroad, circling the depot and moaning when they lost the scent. Another paper reported that the dogs followed a trail from West Portal to Fraser, five miles away, before similarly losing it near the tracks.

Whether the dogs followed the same trail or different ones is impossible to know from surviving accounts. What is clear is that their work reinforced the sheriff’s belief that the killer moved toward the railroad—with or without boarding a train—and that his trace dissolved at or near the rail line.

Meanwhile, Sperandio’s brothers James and Charles arrived to assist. James returned to Denver with the body that evening; Charles remained to help the sheriff for several days.

A CRIME WITHOUT AN ENDING

By December 23rd, Fletcher stated publicly that an arrest was “entirely probable within the next few days.” Yet by the time the long obituary was printed in Leadville, no suspect had been named, no arrest had occurred, and no clear trail remained.

What survived was a portrait of a man whose life had been shaped by mountains in two portions of the globe; whose courage, charm, and intensity had won him both friends and enemies; and whose final moments were marked by trust, surprise, and violence.

It also left behind a mystery: whether his killer fled over snow, vanished onto a train, or simply blended back into the ranks of workers, gamblers, and itinerants who passed through West Portal that winter.

The newspapers closed the matter with a line as stark as tracks vanishing into blowing snow: “No trace of the murderer has been found.”

A century later, that remains the last official word.

Fred was unmarried and a member of the American Federation of Human Rights, an international co-Masonic lodge. He is buried in Evergreen Cemetery in Leadville, Colorado, in the IOOF section, a calm resting place that offers a measure of closure the investigation never found. His death appears on our list of Moffat Tunnel-era fatalities because it occurred within the West Portal settlement and arose directly from the conditions and community created by the tunnel project itself.


Set side by side, the two December narratives, the crews driving steadily through rock and water and the midnight violence that caught West Portal off guard, revealed a deeper truth about life at the portals in the winter of 1925. Men pushed toward breakthrough under the Divide, pumps fought the constant inflow, and Colorado’s optimism climbed with every foot gained, yet the same camp that kept the project alive carried risks that had nothing to do with geology. December 1925 was not simply another month of headings advanced; it underscored that the Moffat Tunnel was shaped by people who lived close to danger in all its forms. Workers, immigrants, gamblers, and wanderers shared a narrow world carved out of snow and timber, a world where the ground could shift in an instant, and in the shadow of James Peak the communities built to support a great ambition proved as unpredictable as the mountain itself. So the month closed with a peculiar duality. On paper, progress slowed to a crawl, held back by wet rock and the peculiar geology of the mountain, while in the public imagination the tunnel loomed larger than ever, an unfinished promise expected to reorganize markets, revive farms, open mines and oil fields, and bind Northwestern Colorado to the outside world in a way the region had waited on for decades. And as the year ended with only modest gains, the quiet that settled over the portals carried an unmistakable sense that the work waiting in 1926 would be anything but easy.

Image Caption #1: Fred Sperandio rests in Leadville’s Evergreen Cemetery, far from the snowbound doorway at West Portal where a single shot through the heart ended his life. The match he struck faded in seconds; the mystery of his 1925 murder has stayed cold for a century.

Image Caption #2: Published in newspapers in December 1925, this photograph survives today as an original print held by Preserve Rollins Pass from the Moffat Tunnel Commission archive. Of particular interest, the box positioned to the right of the mine cart tracks bears the label “POWDER.”

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | December 9, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

25Nov

November 1925: The Mountain Turns to Gravy

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / November 25, 2025 / Comments are closed

Three-quarters complete and pressing westward, November 1925 forced crews to contend with the softest and most unpredictable ground encountered to date.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

By November 1925, the Moffat Tunnel stood roughly three-quarters complete, with the main headings of both bores driven more than 23,000 feet beneath the Continental Divide. By late November, more than fourteen thousand feet of the railroad bore had been opened to its full 16-by-24-foot dimensions, representing roughly forty-six percent of the total length. On paper, progress looked steady; underground, the mountain had changed temperament. Ten thousand three hundred feet from the West Portal, crews struck the softest ground yet—a gray, water-laden material that behaved like newly mixed cement. Ordinary timbering bowed and splintered under the pressure, and progress slowed “almost to a crawl,” one engineer admitted, as workers resorted to dense breast-boarding and double sets of timber to hold back the mountain. Tunneling crews of the era often used food metaphors for soft, running ground; in 1925, the material under West Portal behaved with a heaviness and flow that a modern reader might picture as a kind of gravy.

At East Portal, 13,500 feet in, they faced a different obstacle: a heavy flow of sixty to eighty gallons a minute from fissures in a hard-rock seam, delaying progress by several feet a day. As the grade crested at the apex and began sloping down toward the western crews, gravity drainage would cease, and pumps might soon be needed to lift water back toward the apex so it could escape out the east side. For a time that November, the two ends of the tunnel labored under opposing forms of resistance—one collapsing, one flooding.

Even so, the pace of excavation impressed outside observers. The Moffat Tunnel Commission, led by W. P. Robinson, reported that 14,680 feet of the full-size railroad bore were complete—10,672 feet on the east, 4,213 on the west—and that crosscuts between the twin bores were seventy-seven percent finished. In the smaller water tunnel, engineers ambitiously expected the two headings to meet by January 1, 1926, with the main railroad headings connecting by July 1, 1926—six months ahead of schedule. If that held, trains might pass under the Divide before the contractual deadline of July 19, 1927. Still, the Commission cautioned newspapers against premature optimism. “Progress on the Moffat Tunnel is very satisfactory,” the official statement read, “but some papers have been led into an error as to the probable time of completion.” The reminder was deliberate: “All this is predicated upon fairly good ground at the west portal, but this remains bad.”

The local press captured both the strain and the spirit of the work. The Rocky Mountain News reported that west-side crews had struck ‘rock disintegrated by water and pressure… of the same consistency as newly mixed concrete,’ with forces ‘exceeding the heavy rock pressures already passed in the bore’ and ‘sufficient to crush ordinary timbers to bits.’ Other reports the same week described the pressure as strong enough to ‘break ordinary timbering like match sticks,’ underscoring the severity of the ground conditions at West Portal. Engineers added that progress had slowed “almost to a crawl,” as pressures in this zone surpassed those encountered “from the portal to the breasts of the bore,” requiring extra timbering beyond what ordinarily held the ground. In contrast, the Steamboat Sentinel and Herald Democrat focused on the eastern crews who had passed the tunnel’s high point and begun working downgrade toward the west—an engineering milestone that meant every new foot brought the two sides measurably closer. For the first time, both portal crews were advancing on the same side of the Continental Divide: the Divide had been crossed underground.

Thanksgiving brought a different kind of relief. At West Portal, two hundred fifty men and visitors crowded into the camp hall for an “athletic smoker”—a boxing event that pitted the tunnel’s two sides against each other in sport rather than in production. West Portal won two decisions, two draws, and a knockout; East Portal earned two draws of its own. The following week, newspaper columns filled with small human notes: R. J. (or Guy J.) Tanner, a veteran drill operator described as “one of the best,” returned to Boulder to spend the holiday with his parents. Roy Gordon traveled from the tunnel to Greeley to be with family. In Denver, a short notice recorded that Frank Beck appeared before the State Industrial Commission to seek compensation for the loss of his foot in a cave-in the previous December at West Portal. There were also marriages—Clarence Quick of East Portal to Ethel Knowles of Hutchinson, Kansas, and Arthur Brown of East Portal to Mildred Smith of Denver. In these glimpses from scattered papers, one sees the rhythm of a community living within an industrial epic: weddings, injuries, homecomings, and prizefights conducted under a mountain that still threatened to collapse.

Late in the month, the Commission turned from ground pressure to paperwork. On November 26, filings were made with the U.S. General Land Office for the formal railroad rights-of-way at both portals—1.77 miles at the west and 0.21 mile at the east. The request required the approval of Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work. Attorney Erskine Myer explained that the filings merely extended existing rights-of-way across federal land in the Arapaho and Colorado National Forests and did not affect private property already deeded to the Commission. The U.S. Forest Service had granted permission to clear timber along the corridors. Such quiet administrative steps rarely made headlines, yet they would determine how trains would legally reach both portals when the bore was finished.

By the close of November 1925, the figures told a story of both triumph and tension: 23,500 feet driven in the main headings, 14,000 feet enlarged to full size, and the Divide’s internal high point crossed from east to west. The crews were entering their third winter under the mountain, now armed with experience as well as ambition. The public saw a clean statistic—seventy-five percent complete—but the men underground saw something different: timbers bending, drills stalling, the hiss of water in darkness, and the small warmth of Thanksgiving light at the portal.

If October had been a month of acceleration, November was one of reckoning. The mountain had revealed its softest core just as the tunnel neared its hardest test. Each foot gained that month demanded new invention, new caution, and new faith that the opposite heading was still on line. The work continued, measured not only in feet of progress but in proof that endurance, not optimism, would carry Colorado through the last quarter of the Divide.

Image Caption #1: With the surrounding ground exerting pressure “sufficient to break ordinary timbering like match sticks,” workers in the pioneer bore labored under conditions that could change without warning.

Image Caption #2: Requiring extra timbering beyond what ordinarily held the ground, this section shows how progress slowed to a crawl.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | November 25, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

22Oct

October 1925: Breaking Records, Not Yet the Divide

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / October 22, 2025 / Comments are closed

Seventy-one percent complete and months ahead of schedule, October 1925 tested how far determination could outrun terrain.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

Exactly one hundred years ago this month, the Moffat Tunnel continued moving from vision to inevitability. By October 1925, engineers projected completion “four to six months ahead of time stipulated in the contract,” placing the finish line ambitiously close: December 1926. Newspapers began treating the tunnel less as an experiment and more as destiny.

“The record-breaking progress being made on the construction of the Moffat Tunnel and the certainty that it will be completed by December of next year,” reported the Routt County Sentinel, “is already causing an influx of new capital into Routt County, all Northwestern Colorado, and the Uintah Basin in Utah.” “There is no predicting the progress and growth that may ensue with the opening up of the Moffat Tunnel,” the paper continued. “Side by side with the revival of mining, which is really taking place, is coming a development of agriculture and industry.” Investors, farmers, and speculators saw the bore under the Continental Divide as the key to opening an isolated region. Steamboat Springs, the paper predicted, would soon host creameries, canneries, sawmills, smelters, and even a potato-chip factory—because, it insisted, “the best potatoes on earth grow here.” The optimism was bold, but the reasoning was practical: transportation had always been the barrier, and the tunnel was about to remove it.

Underground, progress matched the headlines. By late October, seventy-one percent of the total work was complete—seventy-three percent for crosscuts, forty-two percent for the full-size railroad bore. The east heading had reached 13,062 feet, directly beneath the Continental Divide near Rollins Pass; the west had advanced 9,954 feet. Crews had broken all known world records for tunnel driving, until the mountain reminded them who set the terms. Roughly 10,300 feet from the West Portal, officials announced that the softest rock yet encountered had been struck, while at the east end a flow of eighty gallons of water a minute slowed drilling. Both setbacks tested patience and slowed the pace, but neither stopped it.

Then weather joined the contest. On the 25th, a blizzard snapped the Public Service Company’s power line over the Divide, silencing compressors and lights until repairs were finished the next day. The line, fed from the Boulder Canyon hydraulic plant, had carried power over the mountains to West Portal; its loss underscored how fragile the link between progress and interruption could be. Yet even isolation had its antidotes. Each afternoon, the off-shift crews at West Portal crowded into the recreation hall, drawn by the crackle of KOA Radio carrying the World Series across the mountains. “This group, isolated on four sides by almost impenetrable mountain barriers, is believed to be the largest single assemblage of [nearly 500] radio-baseball fans [following] the Pittsburgh-Washington struggle for baseball supremacy over the Rocky Mountain broadcasting station.” Specially built electric scoreboards flashed every strike and run as loudspeakers relayed play-by-play reports from Pittsburgh and Washington. The setup—built with help from KOA and the Denver Express—allowed the miners to follow every inning in real time. For a workforce hemmed in by increasing snow and diminishing granite, the daily broadcast was more than just entertainment; it was proof that the world beyond the Divide still reached them.

Commerce and daily life were also taking shape around the project. W. H. Wood advertised timber, mining props, and ties for delivery to Idaho Springs or upper Clear Creek, noting his “good location for wood” at West Portal—an early sign that local suppliers were strategically positioned near the construction camps. And amid the noise of drills and the crackle of radio, life continued in quieter forms: James Hayward of West Portal and Margaret David of Denver filed for their marriage license in early October, bridging the distance between the mountain’s workforce and the city that would soon benefit from their labor.

Technical progress coincided with administrative cleanup. Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work finally approved the tunnel commission’s right-of-way filings—more than two years after digging began. The delay stemmed from a clerical error in 1923: one application had been filed for both the railroad and water bores, when federal law required separate submissions. With the corrected filings approved, attention turned to the project’s lingering legal gaps. The commission still lacked title to water rights west of the bore, meaning, as one official noted, “there will be no water to run through the water tunnel when it is completed.” Litigation over those rights—covering the Fraser River and its tributaries—continued in U.S. District Court. Both rights-of-way followed nearly the same six-mile course through Grand County, underscoring how closely rail and water ambitions were intertwined.

Meanwhile, engineers from across the country gathered in Denver for their semi-annual conference with the tunnel commission. J. Vipond Davies and J. Waldo Smith of New York joined D. W. Brunton and L. D. Blauvelt of Denver to review progress, assess geology, and verify cost projections. Their findings affirmed that, despite soft rock and water seepage, the tunnel remained on track for early completion.

The legal framework itself was also clarified that month. “It is set forth in the law under which the tunnel is being constructed,” officials reminded the press, “that the tunnel commission may not grant exclusive rights to use the tunnel or its approaches to any person or corporation, either public or private.” As of October 15, the Denver & Salt Lake Railroad—the Moffat Road—remained the only bidder to operate through the bore, while the City of Denver had filed its own application to carry water through the pilot or pioneer tunnel. The commission emphasized its financial model: “It is the plan to rent the tunnels at a rate sufficient to pay for the interest and retirement of the tunnel bonds…. Rental of the tunnels for an amount sufficient to retire and pay the interest on the bonds will mean that the cost of the tunnel will not fall back on property owners in the tunnel district.”

Denver’s water board, already planning ahead, calculated that diverting 100,000 acre-feet of western-slope water through the pilot bore would require an initial outlay of $2,335,000 just to deliver the water to the West Portal—figures that gave scale to the city’s long-term transmountain ambitions. At the same time, the Oak Creek Times pointed out that once completed, the tunnel would eliminate the “excess grades by way of Corona,” allowing regional coal to move east at competitive cost. For the coal miners of Routt County, that was more than progress; it was survival.

Historian Marshall Sprague once observed that mountain passes act as “Great Gates,” funneling humans and animals across the relatively lower crossings of the Continental Divide, such as Rollins Pass. The Moffat Tunnel would break that pattern. Here, the physical landscape of this part of Colorado would no longer follow the mountain’s course—it would defy it. Water and snowmelt that once flowed toward the Pacific would be sent east toward the Atlantic watershed. Trains that once climbed the Divide would now pass through it. With the Moffat Tunnel, Colorado was beginning to rearrange nature itself—and its future.

October 1925 was a month when every discipline—engineering, finance, law, and labor—pushed forward together, sometimes awkwardly but always forward. Soft rock and snowstorms slowed the drills; legal errors and power outages interrupted momentum. Yet the work kept advancing, and belief in its purpose never wavered. Every headline—about soft rock, broken lines, or courtroom filings—was matched by the conviction that this work mattered. The mountain still dictated the tempo, but no longer the outcome; after all, Colorado was learning how to go through, not around, its obstacles.


Image Caption #1: The W.H. Wood Lumber & Supply Company was headquartered at West Portal, near the present-day entrance to Rollins Pass West.


Image Caption #2: Wet, heavy ground impeded the teams’ progress at West Portal. Several details in this photograph warrant attention: Multiple streams of water pour from the tunnel ceiling, their impact on the puddle below sending droplets upward—evidence of the steady, relentless seepage inside the bore. The worker standing in the mid-ground wears a hat, jacket, and trousers soaked through, underscoring just how saturated the working environment was.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | October 22, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

29Sep

September 1925: Promises on Paper, Realities in Rock

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / September 29, 2025 / Comments are closed

Optimism, obituaries, settlers, and lawsuits marked September 1925, as the tunnel was cast as Colorado’s gateway to prosperity even while danger stalked the portals

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

In September of 1925, life at West Portal looked deceptively ordinary. The local papers carried advertisements for Harry Credille’s services as a notary public, directing readers to the Recreation Hall—a single building that was equal parts post office, barber shop, store, and social hub. On the surface, it was civic life at its most routine. But just outside its doors, the month’s events revealed how precarious, and how ambitious, this community really was.

Recruitment notices shouted for attention in the same columns that carried Credille’s ads. They didn’t read like simple help-wanted ads; they had the urgency of a call to arms: “The Moffat Tunnel commission right now needs a hundred men, machine men, timber men, and muckers. Good wages are being offered with splendid working conditions.” Machine men could count on $5.50 a day, plus a footage-based bonus that reached $133 at West Portal in July, and $159 at East Portal. The fine print mattered: preference went to taxpayers in the district, a reminder that the tunnel was not just a public works project, but a political promise made tangible. By September, eight hundred men wore the Commission’s badge—five hundred at West Portal, three hundred at East Portal—two crews grinding toward one another through the granite heart of the Divide.

That many men in one place meant constant reminders of risk. Early in the month, superintendent John Henry Nicholls, fifty-seven, died of pneumonia after serving since “last winter” and working until “two months ago.” Soon after, a scaler, reported as William Geimer, age thirty-two, was crushed instantly when a ton of rock fell in the main railroad bore. His task had been to follow the dynamiters, prying loose any fragments still clinging to the roof. Burial records quietly corrected the newspaper account: his name was William M. Giener, thirty-three, survived by his wife and three small children at East Portal. Those discrepancies—Geimer versus Giener, thirty-two versus thirty-three—show how easily the record could slip when tragedy outran accuracy, and why it has taken long, patient research, line by line and record by record, to restore each man’s name and return him to his rightful place in history.

While funerals were held, headlines in Denver painted a different picture. “The Future of Colorado As Seen Thru [sic] the Moffat Tunnel.” “N.W. Colorado Has Dairy Future.” “Future of Colorado is Rosy.” At the Chamber of Commerce, more than a hundred realtors cheered the tunnel as a gateway to prosperity. At a manufacturers’ convention, two hundred delegates from “practically every city in Colorado” predicted a fifty percent surge in exports and suggested the state might rival Wisconsin in dairying. The Routt County Sentinel focused on the local harvest: sheep, vegetables, potatoes—all poised to reach markets once freight rates dropped. To read the papers that September was to believe that the tunnel’s concrete lining would harden into an economic revolution.

The optimism found its theater at fairs across Colorado’s northwest. Booths bore the emblem “Northwestern Colorado, the Land of Opportunity,” complete with a miniature oil derrick spraying crude and thousands of tiny bottles handed out as souvenirs. On September 22, fifty women from the Colorado-Made Goods Club became the first all-female group to inspect the West Portal, a symbolic nod to the tunnel’s role in reshaping the state’s future. And colonization drives promised more than wages; they also promised land. Prospective settlers were offered round-trip tickets from Missouri River towns for one fare plus two dollars, to view farms advertised as the tunnel’s inheritance. “More settlers for the Moffat Tunnel territory!” the headlines declared, as if the bore itself were plowing the frontier.

Then came the stories of water, flowing as inevitably into the conversation as it would through the mountain. On September 28, the federal government filed suit against the Fraser Sources Irrigation and Power Company, accusing it of sitting idle on rights first granted in 1909. The goal was clear: clear the path for Denver to claim Fraser River water and send it through the pioneer bore to the eastern slope. Newspapers reminded readers of Colorado’s Constitution, Article XVI, Section 6: “The right to divert the unappropriated waters of any natural stream to beneficial uses shall never be denied.” What had begun as a railroad project was already being recast as a lifeline for a growing city.

Progress reports told a story of momentum, but geology refused to play along. By September, both the main heading and the water tunnel were said to be two-thirds complete, while the railroad bore stretched to thirty-six percent of its final length. Some speculated about finishing early. But the West Portal team continued to be in “treacherous rock,” alternating between firm stretches and talc streaks that collapsed into broken zones, requiring heavy timbering and grinding progress nearly to a halt. The newspapers carried boosterism; the miners carried timbers.

Even the tunnel’s memory was being engineered. It was announced that Edgar C. McMechen had begun work on the project’s official history, a tome meant to knit together David H. Moffat’s dream, the pioneers who first broke the high-country trails, and the crews whose sweat and lives were buying each forward foot.

And still, amid all the speeches and lawsuits and projections of prosperity, the place could feel like a frontier camp. One night, a masked bandit walked into the West Portal Recreation Hall, leveled his pistol, and ordered seventeen men to line up against the wall. Here is how The Steamboat Pilot told the story:

***

HARRY CREDILLE FOILED ROBBER AT WEST PORTAL

According to reports appearing in the Denver papers, Harry Credille, manager of the recreation hall at West Portal for Hitchcock & Tinkler, is a quick thinking and quick acting boy. According to the story a solitary masked bandit walked into the crowded recreation hall at West Portal Wednesday night, lined 17 men against the wall at the point of a gun, searched them individually, and while he was engrossed in frisking his victims Harry Credille, manager of the department, scooped up the day’s cash, ducked thru [sic] a door leading to the commissary and saved several hundred dollars from the robber.

Credille, who also is justice of the peace at the camp, secreted the money on the outside of the building and hastened to summon officers to the scene, but before their arrival the lone stick-up had finished his work and disappeared. A cursory search of the camp Wednesday night failed to disclose any trace of him, and a rigid investigation was in progress Thursday.

The rude frame building which houses the recreation hall, post office, store and barber shop was the scene of wild excitement following the stickup, and the 17 near-victims armed themselves with all manner of weapons to go in search of the bandit. The usual crowd of tunnel workers was in the recreation room before the bandit entered. Men were gathered about the card tables of the big room, and the click of billiard balls was heard frequently from the area occupied by the pool and billiard tables. A straggler or two stood at the bar behind which was Credille. A pall of tobacco smoke enveloped the scene.

The outer door near the southwest corner of the room opened and a gust of fresh air sent the smoke eddying about the room. No one paid any attention, for the pool players were busily engaged in their games, and those at the card tables were occupied. “Stick ’em up!” came the terse command from the newcomer. Card players at the nearest table looked up in surprise, then, after some confusion, complied with the order.

“Line up against that wall with your backs to the room,” the intruder ordered, brandishing his gun to indicate the wall near the door. A hush fell as the men shuffled to the wall and stood with their hands high above their heads. Credille, standing near the cash register, dropped from sight behind the counter, unseen by the bandit. Then, with one eye on the door by which he entered, the stickup man started a systematic search of the recreation seekers, going thru [sic] the pockets of [each] as cooly as tho[ugh] he were doing some ordinary daily routine task.

Credille, finding the bandit’s back turned to him began stealthily to remove currency and silver from the cash register and the drawer beneath the counter. Then, silently, he eased his way from the recreation hall into the storeroom beyond the adjacent partition. His task of searching the men completed, the bandit backed away from them, still pointing his gun in their direction, and found to his dismay that the cash register was devoid of money!

“A hell of a fine crowd, this is!” he grumbled as he started toward the door by which he had entered. “Now all of you face to your right, and be sure you keep your hands up and high, too, because I’m in about the right humor after this to plug somebody.”

Then, as the seventeen men faced from him, he yanked open the door and disappeared into the night.

***

That tableau: billiard balls clicking, tobacco smoke hanging thick, and a notary’s cash drawer whisked away under a gunman’s nose, tells September 1925 more clearly than any headline ever could. The headlines promised a Colorado built on dairies and potatoes, booming exports, and the lifeblood of water carried through the mountains. But at the portals, life still meant funerals and pneumonia, men battling treacherous rock, and the occasional stick-up in a smoke-stained wooden hall. In the end, the month reads like the tunnel itself: one end promising daylight, the other still deep in shadow.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | September 29, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

23Aug

Halfway There, Hands in the Air: August 1925 at the Moffat Tunnel

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / August 23, 2025 / Comments are closed

Resignations, robberies, dances, and deadlines defined August 1925, as the Moffat Tunnel reached its halfway point and drew attention far beyond Colorado

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

In August 1925, the resignation of R. H. Keays as chief engineer of the Moffat Tunnel was accepted by the tunnel commission at its organization meeting. His $10,000 salary ($184,598.86 in 2025 adjusted for inflation) reflected the significance of the role, but the commission noted that “George Lewis, general manager of the company, will go on building the tunnel, so there will be no delay and few mistakes, if any.” Keays’ resignation, effective September 1, came as he prepared to leave for Athens, Greece, to supervise construction of a municipal waterworks there under a contract held by Uhlin and Company of New York. When Lewis took over and entered his new office, he was met with flowers and cards from many friends and followers, including a placard that read in part: “Loyalty to the tunnel district, loyalty to the Moffat Tunnel commission, loyalty to those who have honestly carried on the actual work has been rewarded by your selection as the chief of construction on one of the most interesting and important railway highways in the world, namely, the Moffat Tunnel… You have faithfully carried out the commands of the great builder, David Moffat, who gave his life to put the city of Denver in its proper place in the sun. You shall receive from the employees at the East Portal loyalty and harmonious co-operation until the tunnel is finished.” The commission determined that the position of chief engineer would not be refilled; with surveys completed, two experienced resident engineers—Burgis G. Coy at East Portal and James F. Cohig at West Portal—would see the work through.

Crime was not absent from tunnel life that month. Early in August, twenty-four-year-old Robert Eaton, identified in newspapers as the “East Portal Thief,” was arrested for stealing a suit of clothes and a gold watch from the Moffat Tunnel workers’ camp where he had been employed. Eaton had been sought in several Colorado cities since June 29. Later that month, the so-called “West Portal Bandit” attempted to hold up the recreation hall. (The recreation hall included the pool hall and soft drink parlor.) Grand County deputies believed he was the same man who had robbed a Fraser pool hall, five miles west of West Portal, the week before—taking $400. At West Portal, the attempt failed when Harry Criddle, the recreation hall manager, reacted quickly. Criddle had placed the day’s receipts in a satchel and, hearing someone fumbling at the rear door, was confronted at the front by an unmasked man ordering the few inside to “stick ’em up!” Instead of complying, Criddle unlatched the back door and fled into the darkness with the day’s takings. The would-be bandit, realizing the robbery had failed, ran off. Many tunnel employees joined the pursuit, but it was believed he escaped in a car that sped away from camp; a large manhunt stretched as far as Berthoud Pass.

On August 16, George Ames, twenty-seven, pleaded guilty before United States Commissioner Robert E. Foot to charges of embezzling $1,300 in postal money order funds and falsifying records while serving as assistant postmaster at East Portal. The thefts allegedly occurred between June 1924 and July 15, 1925, the day Ames left the postal service to operate a hotel in Nederland. He surrendered to Denver police while post office inspectors searched for him, telling them he had lost the money gambling. The Boulder Daily Camera ran the blunt headline: “George Ames Has Quit Keeping Nederland Hotel to go to Penitentiary.”

Elsewhere, the rhythms of community life continued. For the upcoming Labor Day holiday, the West Portal baseball club planned to travel to East Portal for a game. West Portal reported that ‘large numbers of visitors these days… all are welcome.’ Optimism about the tunnel’s future was equally present in print: officials reaffirmed that the smaller bore would be finished by May 1, 1926, and the full tunnel by January 1, 1927. At East Portal, Chief Inspector Allen shouldered more than technical responsibility, also serving as justice of the peace—a role underscored by the fact that his father sat as Chief Justice of the Colorado Supreme Court. The commission reported a healthy cash balance of $4,738,790.62, a figure often highlighted in local papers as proof of steady oversight. Boulder Rotarians welcomed representatives from East Portal to describe tunnel progress and working methods over lunch, an appearance that blended civic pride with technical education. And in lighter columns, social notes recorded C. S. Williams of East Portal purchasing a Duplex touring car—a reminder that even amid engineering feats and financial reports, the tunnel camps were still places where people lived, worked, and sought a touch of modern comfort.

The Steamboat Pilot of August 12 reported that “splendid progress is now being made on the tunnel, for both headings are in solid rock, and some new records are being made,” with the bore fifty-six percent completed and “competition very keen” between East and West Portal crews.

At the West Portal on August 28, a fire broke out in one of the creosoting sheds, causing about $1,000 in damages. The blaze began in a vat of creosote used to preserve tunnel timbers, though the cause was not determined. Employees prevented the fire from spreading to other buildings. The previous night, the Moffat Tunnel Jubilee dance, managed by Harry Criddle, drew the largest crowd yet, with music by the California Harmony Girls “unparalleled for excellence and rhythm.” The event celebrated the halfway mark in tunnel construction and was followed by another performance in Granby.

Newspapers also heavily promoted The White Desert, starring Claire Windsor, Pat O’Malley, and Robert Frazer, based on the novel by Courtney R. Cooper and filmed “in the Moffat Tunnel Country” and billed in advertisements as “A Glorious Picture, Glorifying Glorious Colorado.” Ads promised “At the Top of the World! There brute passions are unleashed—Blizzard and Avalanche try men’s souls—a woman finds romance amidst perils of the untracked wastes. You’ll love this great snow film!” The film played at the Curran and Empress theaters, at West Portal, and in Tabernash, with some calling it “the most beautiful photography that has ever been presented on the silver screen.” The timing of these promotions was not incidental: by tying Hollywood spectacle to the tunnel’s halfway milestone, the film worked as a kind of publicity for the project itself, presenting it not only as an engineering effort but as part of Colorado’s larger identity.

Not all of August’s news was cause for celebration. At West Portal, fifty-seven-year-old John H. Nicholls, a respected mining man and superintendent, fell ill with pneumonia while overseeing the work. He never recovered. Because he was actively on site when sickness overtook him, his death is counted among the Moffat Tunnel’s fatalities—a reminder that danger wasn’t always a cave-in or an explosion, but sometimes the invisible threat of disease. Today, if you wander through Denver’s Fairmount Cemetery, you’ll find his resting spot in Block 80, Lot 24, Grave 4. His headstone marks not just a life ended, but the human cost carried in the shadows of Colorado’s greatest engineering ambition.

The tunnel also drew outside attention. Justice Austin E. Griffiths of Seattle, president of the provisional committee for Washington’s proposed thirty-mile Cascade Tunnel, spent two days at West Portal studying the work. He likened Washington’s geographic challenge to Colorado’s and predicted that “Denver and Colorado do not fully realize the value of the Moffat tunnel, and will not realize it until years after completion of the work.” He praised Lewis’s leadership, saying he had “found many new ways of combating unseen obstacles” and calling the organization “most fortunate” to have him in charge.

Finally, the commission faced its first legal threat. A. S. Dennis of San Francisco claimed to have invented the “Pioneer system” of driving tunnels and to hold a patent on it, demanding damages for its use in the Moffat Tunnel without his consent. Commission attorney Norton Montgomery confirmed Dennis had approached them two years prior seeking payment, but Montgomery saw no legal basis for compensation and told Dennis’s attorney they “might as well start suit.” Montgomery emphasized that even if damages were awarded, the funds voted for tunnel construction could not be used for such payments.

August 1925 revealed the contradictions of life along the Moffat Tunnel: bold engineering milestones were shadowed by sudden resignations, postal scandals, attempted robberies, and even a creosote fire. Yet, in the very same breath, there were dances to celebrate the halfway mark, a ballgame to look forward to, and even Hollywood swooping in to turn the “Moffat Tunnel Country” into a stage for romance and danger on the silver screen. With fifty-six percent of the bore already carved through solid rock and January 1927 etched into the public imagination as the finish line, the tunnel was more than a railway project—it was an epic in real time, equal parts Colorado’s ambition and the unpredictable, very human drama of those who lived and labored on its frontiers.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | August 23, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

26Jul

Barbecue and Ballots at the Bore: July 1925

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / July 26, 2025 / Comments are closed

Celebration, controversy, and engineering milestones converged at the Moffat Tunnel in July 1925—when the public showed up above and below ground.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

In July 1925, the Moffat Tunnel stood at the intersection of spectacle and progress, celebration and scrutiny. As workers carved ever deeper into the granite beneath James Peak, Colorado’s largest public works project to date became a gathering point for thousands—and a political flashpoint in the battle over who would control its future.

On July 4, East Portal transformed into a massive amphitheater of civic pride, athletic competition, and open-air revelry. The West Portal baseball team trounced their East Portal rivals 10 to 3 before a crowd of thousands. The holiday celebration was as expansive as the tunnel itself: two ball games, auto, horse, burro, and foot races, and a full rodeo unfolded throughout the day. Earl Bryant of Nederland, competing in the bronco-busting contest, was thrown twice; the second time, the horse fell on him, leaving him bruised and sprained.

Feasting was just as grand. Three barbecued beeves, seven pigs, roast lamb, and two barrels of pressed ham were distributed freely. With celebrations stretching from morning to night, East Portal saw more than 20,000 visitors. “In addition to the hundreds of automobiles which were driven to the east opening of the bore, four special trains of ten cars each carried full loads of passengers over the Moffat Road.” One train of 18 coaches alone carried 2,200 people. The Denver-bound “special” left the Moffat Depot at 8 a.m., offering “a scenic trip en route” for a round-trip fare of $1.90. Roads between Nederland and Tolland were overwhelmed with traffic, blocked for nearly two hours by the crush of cars—an early sign of the area’s popularity outpacing its infrastructure.

Meanwhile, at the more remote West Portal, over 600 visitors gathered for their own celebration, including a “Hard Time Barn Dance” the night before to benefit the West Portal baseball team.

For tunnel workers, July 4 was their sole holiday of the year. It was also the only time the public was allowed underground. More than 4,000 visitors entered the pioneer bore and exited through the wider railroad tunnel, granted rare access to the dark interior of the mountain. Some were struck by the contrast: “There was a silence like that in some lonely cathedral,” one visitor noted. “It was so dark that they could not see their hands before their faces.”

The evening concluded with an elaborate fireworks display.

Work resumed on July 5 with renewed intensity. According to Moffat Tunnel Commission president William P. Robinson, the tunnel was 56 percent complete as of July 1. Just days later, the water tunnel had reached 19,153 feet (60%), the main heading 18,331 feet (57%), and the full-sized bore 9,312 feet (29%). The tunnel was advancing beneath James Peak at nearly fifty feet a day. “Three crews were engaged in work at the East Portal during the ten days from July 10 to 20 and averaged progress of twenty-five and one-half feet a day… while at West Portal in this period the rates were twenty-two feet in each heading.”

On July 12, The Rocky Mountain News reported: “Previous world’s records set in the driving of the Moffat tunnel were shattered during the twenty-four hours preceding yesterday noon when a total advance of 104 feet in the four tunnel headings was reported.” Rock removal costs remained well below projections—$11.05 per cubic yard, compared to the contractor’s original estimate of $17. With speed came efficiency, and with both came public pride.

That pride was tested by politics. In mid-July, voters were asked to decide whether to recall the very commissioners driving the tunnel toward completion. The so-called Moffat Tunnel Anti-Recall Association ran newspaper ads urging voters to resist interference: “An attempt is being made to take the Moffat Tunnel out of the hands of competent men and place it in the hands of an organization held by the Supreme Court to be using ‘unlawful and illegal’ methods.”

That organization was the Ku Klux Klan, whose propaganda questioned both the engineering and the governance of the project. One pamphlet scoffed: “The Tunnel Act provides for but one tunnel — The Commission is digging three.” It insisted, incorrectly, that the water tunnel was both unnecessary and flawed: “The present tunnel commission have conceived the idea that three tunnels can be dug more cheaply than one. They claim that they must dig an unauthorized water tunnel in order to make cross cuts into the other small tunnel and keep the men at work. By means of an enlargement tunnel number two is to become the main tunnel. This plan entails three times the expense of the plan provided by law of digging one tunnel. The water is carried through the so-called water tunnel from the western slope to Denver. Water will not run uphill. Yet the eastern portal of the tunnel is one hundred feet higher than the western tunnel. The water must be forced through a 32,000 foot tube one hundred feet higher than the western portal of the tunnel. It is impossible to get a concrete tube 32,000 feet in length without some crevices and cracks in it. Under pressure these cracks will enlarge and tear away into large openings. The strain of the water pressure will wreck this long tube rending [sic] many engineers believe, the water tunnel useless. If the water tunnel is useless there will be no income from this source.”

The public disagreed.

On July 14, voters returned the entire Moffat Tunnel Commission to office. In the eastern division, the margin was nearly 400 to 1; in the west, roughly 4 to 1. The Eagle Valley Enterprise noted that “the klan was gloriously snowed under.” One editorial remarked on the sheer scope of engagement: “Ranchmen abandoned their work in the fields to go to the polls to register their protest against the attempt of the klan to capture the tunnel. The vote was surprisingly large.”

Following the election, commissioners Charles Leckenby and Charles N. Wheeler issued a joint statement:

“We are deeply appreciative of the splendid vote of confidence given us on Tuesday by the electors of this division of the Moffat Tunnel district. We are grateful that misstatements and falsehoods circulated on the eve of the election, which if true should condemn any official to everlasting oblivion, were taken for what they were worth and did not influence the result. To the scores of volunteer workers in every precinct, to the committees voluntarily formed, and to the individual voters, we are grateful. The vote of confidence will be a new inspiration to us to conduct this great work, so far as our part of it is concerned, with a mind single to the interests of the taxpayers, to speed coupled with economy, that transportation barriers may be broken down and our entire country prosper. And always bear in mind that there are no secrets in the operation of this great project. It belongs to the people; we never lose sight of the fact that we are servants of the people, intrusted with a great task and expending money that belongs to the people. As we have done in the past three years, so we will continue to do, give the very best ability and effort that is in us to the work you have intrusted to our care.”

Elsewhere, reminders of risk remained. In early July, The Colorado Transcript reported that John Beegle, father of Gage Beegle—the Mines student killed at the tunnel in June—traveled from Ohio to investigate his son’s death. Gage is buried in Galion, Ohio.

Prohibition violations continued at both portals. Joe Kisinger, age 22, a cook at East Portal, was found asleep in a stolen 1917 Ford near the Narrows. He had a half-pint of liquor on him. At West Portal, federal agents arrested James “Red” Evans, Elmer Petschauer, and Bud Shields for operating an illegal liquor business at the Eagle’s Nest Resort—also known as the Honky Tonk—located halfway between Fraser and the tunnel. Officers seized two gallons of whisky and hundreds of empty bottles.

In just one month, the Moffat Tunnel project achieved record-setting excavation, affirmed public oversight through the ballot box, and hosted the largest gathering in its short but storied history. More than 20,000 visitors came to celebrate, and over 4,000 descended into the bore—briefly trading summer sun for the dark hush of a cathedral-like void beneath the Continental Divide. When they emerged blinking into the light, they carried more than a souvenir: they carried a shared sense of direction. Beneath the granite, crews pressed forward. Above ground, Coloradans pushed back against fear and misinformation. And in July 1925, both the mountain and the movement proved unstoppable.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | July 26, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

22Jun

June 1925: Drilling for Progress, Campaigning for Control

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / June 22, 2025 / Comments are closed

As drills pushed through the Divide in June 1925, Colorado faced a quieter but deeper fracture: a power struggle over who would control the tunnel, its payroll, and the path forward for the state’s future.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

June 1925 was no ordinary month for the Moffat Tunnel. Beneath the Continental Divide, steel drills pushed deeper into the mountain, even as tragedy, political turmoil, and engineering breakthroughs collided to define one of the most consequential chapters in the tunnel’s history.

In terms of progress, West Portal crews struck hard rock at the 7,735-foot mark—initially signaling hope that the end of soft, seamy ground was near. By later in the month, they confirmed they had finally passed through all 8,200 feet of weak formation, which had required timbering every step of the way. At the East Portal, crews shattered previous records, advancing 1,551 feet that month and earning bonuses of $107.10 each. By the end of June, the water tunnel had passed the two-mile mark from the East Portal. Additional progress included 10,091 feet of railroad heading from the east and 7,354 feet from the west (17,445 total), and 6,540 feet and 2,175 feet of full-size tunnel, respectively.

But even as these engineering milestones were celebrated, the month began in tragedy. On June 5, a devastating accident occurred 7,775 feet from the West Portal. A crew struck an unexploded dynamite charge while drilling, igniting a fatal blast that killed Gage M. Beegle, age 22, a promising student from the Colorado School of Mines. Though he had only completed one year, Beegle was on track to enter his junior year that fall due to accelerated progress. He had been working as a chuck tender on a machine drill for just a few days to gain practical mining experience and earn money for his studies. Reports described the lower part of his body as “frightfully mangled” after taking the full force of the explosion. He was the first man to die from an explosion during the tunnel’s construction. Four others were injured: C. Olaf Nelson, who lost an eye and risked losing the other; B. Daugherty, shift boss; Sam O’Neil; and Harold Neff. Investigators reported the men had disregarded standing orders to retire all unexploded dynamite. Instead, they dug around the charge and resumed drilling, believing the whole charge had been removed.

The loss cast a shadow over the month, but life at the camps continued: tinged with grief, yet leaning toward hope. The East Portal camp buzzed with anticipation for the upcoming Fourth of July celebration. Touted as the only day the public could visit the underground workings, the event would feature a barbecue on the Tolland Flats, baseball games between East and West Portal teams and against Denver rock drillers, and a boxing carnival pitting fighters from both ends. The festivities would culminate in a formal dance at the East Portal recreation hall, which also hosted weekly Thursday night dances. Meanwhile, the recreation hall at West Portal had recently hosted its first wedding on June 15: John Alexander Mitchell of West Portal married Margaret King of Fort Morgan. Perhaps the slogan rang truer than intended: “When in West Portal, don’t fail to visit [the] recreation hall bar and pool room”—where laughter, leisure, and even love found a home beneath the timbered rafters.

Meanwhile, the West Portal saw major improvements. Crushed Oregon fir wall plates were being replaced with larger 12×18 timbers and, in many cases, with steel plates. This retimbering—estimated at $120 per foot across several hundred feet—was projected to take 60 days and, when complete, would allow a large force of men to be released. Fire prevention experiments also began, testing various salt- and concrete-based preservatives. Firewater lines had already been laid, and insurance was in place, but officials emphasized proactive safety to ensure timbering was not lost to fire.

Camp life brought other highs and lows. On June 24, the [West Portal] Tunnel Diggers routed the Fraser Lumber Jacks 25–4. On June 28, Granby defeated West Portal 5–0 in a weather-shortened game. Sunderlin’s pitching was lauded as masterful, and reliever Lefty Selak was described as invincible. Mrs. Florence Kane of Tabernash was honored for her dedicated support of the Granby Giants with a five-pound box of candy. However, the darker side of camp life surfaced as well. C.L. Rotken was arrested in Denver after attempting to cash a fraudulently altered check raised from $9 to $150. The cashier spotted the erasure and called detectives, who made the arrest that afternoon.

The political atmosphere was increasingly charged. A biennial election for the five-member Moffat Tunnel Commission was set for July 14. The current commissioners—W.P. Robinson, W. N.W. Blayney, Charles MacA. Willcox, Charles J. Wheeler, and Charles H. Leckenby—had overseen impressive progress since their 1922 appointment by Governor Oliver Shoup. Under their direction, construction had far outpaced original estimates.

Yet their continued leadership was under threat. The Ku Klux Klan, at the height of its political power in Colorado, declared its intention to seize control of the commission, citing the tunnel’s 600+ jobs as prime political patronage. For the Klan, control of the Tunnel Commission wasn’t just symbolic, it was strategic. The commission oversaw millions in public spending, and its control over construction contracts, hiring, and future railroad leasing made it a gateway to influence in both state infrastructure and politics. In 1920s Colorado, the Klan was not operating from the shadows; it had already infiltrated city councils, school boards, and law enforcement. Gaining this commission would have expanded their reach into the state’s most ambitious engineering project, providing legitimacy, jobs for members, and a platform to steer future transportation and economic policy.

The Klan’s candidates—F.C. Murchison, Frederick A. VanStone, George O. Marrs, Wolcott O. Hooker, and Dr. J.H. Cole—campaigned under banners urging citizens to “capture the Moffat Tunnel Commission.”

A full-length editorial in the Routt County Sentinel condemned the Klan’s maneuvers and praised the integrity of the current commissioners, who had managed the project with financial transparency and efficiency. Even a Klan-composed Denver grand jury found no fault in the commission’s handling of public funds. The editorial warned that replacing experienced commissioners with unqualified appointees midstream would jeopardize lease negotiations with the railroad—critical for repaying bonded tunnel debt. These lease negotiations were not optional; they were critical to repaying the bonds issued to fund the tunnel’s construction. Without secured railroad usage agreements, taxpayers would remain on the hook for the debt, and the tunnel could become a financial albatross instead of a catalyst for regional growth. Commissioners already deep in these negotiations had hard-won relationships with railroad executives—ties that a new slate of commissioners, especially those chosen for political loyalty rather than technical competence, could not replicate quickly.

Former Governor Shoup echoed these concerns. In a public statement, he urged voters to reelect the sitting commissioners, lauding their unmatched progress, their honor-bound service, and the imminent necessity of finalizing railroad usage contracts. “A change of horses in the middle of a race spells defeat,” he cautioned.

Voting eligibility was narrow: only real estate–owning residents who had paid property taxes in the previous year could vote. This disenfranchised many tunnel workers, prompting fears that Klan-aligned voters would dominate by default. Many of the tunnel workers—transient laborers, renters, or young men without taxable property—were excluded despite their central role in the tunnel’s progress. The voting structure disproportionately empowered settled property owners, many of whom were more susceptible to the Klan’s influence campaigns. This imbalance made the upcoming election less a referendum on competence and more a test of political mobilization.

Chief Engineer R.H. Keays, meanwhile, gave illustrated lectures throughout June on the complex surveying and alignment issues encountered during the tunnel’s planning and construction. At the same time, Lewis’ cantilever girder—offered freely for tunnel use—was gaining outside attention. Although still under consideration for a patent, it had already drawn licensing interest from California-Edison, signaling the broader influence of innovations emerging from the project.

Despite the dangers and distractions, momentum surged toward a symbolic goal: to “hole through” by August 1, 1926—the 50th anniversary of Colorado statehood. As the tunnel inched forward beneath the mountain, the ground above was shifting too. With a pivotal election looming, and political extremism threatening to overtake practical stewardship, June 1925 tested not only the tunnel’s structural foundations but also its civic ones. Yet every foot gained in rock was more than progress, it was a collective refusal to let short-term political agendas sabotage long-term public good. It was a tribute to perseverance, to cooperation, and to those—like Gage Beegle—who gave everything to the dream of a better-connected Colorado.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | June 22, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

24May

May 1925: The Tunnel Keeps Time—and So Does the Band

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / May 24, 2025 / Comments are closed

Progress surged, benchmarks broke, and West Portal found its voice in music, machines, and memory in May 1925 at the Moffat Tunnel.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

As spring gave way to early summer in 1925, the Moffat Tunnel project surged forward with unprecedented energy—and with it, a mounting sense of inevitability that this long-promised engineering marvel would soon become reality. News outlets across Colorado praised the Lewis traveling cantilever girder (see last month’s post), and Charles Wheeler of the Moffat Tunnel Commission confidently stated, “there is no question about the tunnel being completed and trains running through it by December 1926.”

Progress on the East Portal remained the backbone of this momentum. Fifty-four men worked there in rotating shifts of eighteen, each earning a $57.30 bonus on top of their regular wages for their performance between April 16 and May 1. These weren’t empty rewards—each shift was part of a record-breaking push. Crews were averaging fifty feet per day in the twin headings, and in the last fifteen days of April alone, drillers claimed a world record by completing 771 feet—261 feet beyond the contractor’s projected maximum.

Newspaper headlines told the story of this blistering pace. On May 8, 1925, the Wet Mountain Tribune reported, “Never has better progress been made in the drilling of a tunnel, so far as engineering knowledge runs.” Just over a week later, the Routt County Sentinel confirmed, “65 feet [had] been driven in one day.”

But conditions at the two portals could not have been more different. While East Portal crews battled increasingly dense granite gneiss with discipline and routine, the West Portal crews contended with fractured, unstable biotite gneiss—blocky, talc-seamed, and often wet. Despite working through “running ground” that resisted support structures and never yielded more than 20 feet in a day, crews developed ingenious systems to accelerate progress. Specialized tools—such as the drill carriage, overhead muck car switcher, and timber framing machines—were developed or adapted on-site to meet the unique demands of the tunnel’s shifting geology and high production pace.

Foremost among these innovations was the Lewis traveling cantilever girder (or needle-bar), a mobile device designed by General Manager George Lewis to support overhead timbers while excavation continued below. Unlike its stationary predecessor, this traveling cantilever could adapt to shifting conditions in real time, safeguarding both men and timber while expediting excavation through heavy, unstable terrain. It became a defining piece of equipment in the tunnel’s most unpredictable zones.

Adding to the complexity, the two portals employed fundamentally different excavation methods tailored to their geological realities. At the East Portal, a twin-heading system was used, with the same crews alternating between the water tunnel and main center heading, combined with ring-shooting enlargement. By contrast, the West Portal required a top-widening and benching method—slower but better suited to the shattered and unstable ground. This divergence in technique highlighted not only the engineering ingenuity of the project but its operational adaptability in the face of radically different conditions just miles apart.

As thousands of feet of unforeseen bad ground were encountered—requiring far more tunnel lining than the 1,500 feet engineers had projected—the immediate need for concrete became pressing. Rock excavated from the tunnel face was crushed and stockpiled near each portal to supply aggregate for concrete lining operations underway inside the tunnel. At the same time, material was also being set aside as ballast for future track construction—forward-looking preparation for the day when rails would be laid through the completed bore. Construction was beginning on approach grades across the Fraser River valley to the west and down South Boulder Creek to the east, linking both portals to the Denver & Salt Lake main line.

Dressed granite ashlar masonry was envisioned for the tunnel portals—appropriately massive and ornamental, meant to echo the permanence of the mountain itself. These monumental entrances were intended to serve not only as functional thresholds but also as symbolic markers of achievement, carved with the hope that they would endure.

The human scale of the project was immense. By mid-May, 426 men were employed on the West Portal and 286 on the East—a total of more than 700 individuals working in shifts, around the clock, to bore beneath the Continental Divide. And driving all of it was more than rock, wages, or schedules: the project was breathing life into David Moffat’s long-delayed dream of a direct, year-round rail connection between Denver and Salt Lake City—a bold alternative to the costly and snowbound circuits over Rollins Pass.

Meanwhile, life at West Portal was evolving beyond the industrial rhythms of drilling and blasting. The local school closed the week of May 22, ushering in a summer season unlike any before. The recreation hall was undergoing improvements in anticipation of visitors, with a remodeled dance floor setting the stage for community gatherings. On May 28, the West Portal Jazz Orchestra would inaugurate the season with a Grand Opening Dance—an event heralded in the Middle Park Times as the social debut of the summer. The announcement extended an open invitation to all, signaling that this rugged work camp had, for the moment, become a place of celebration.

Adding to this sense of transition, a notable number of West Portal residents were reported to have purchased new automobiles—a reflection of modernity and status arriving even in this high, remote valley. In a place once defined solely by labor and logistics, a cultural identity was beginning to take hold—one where permanence, progress, and personal pride were becoming just as visible as the granite itself.

That same weekend, West Portal’s baseball team—the Tunnel Diggers—was scheduled to face the Granby Giants in Fraser. Spectators from across Grand County were invited to witness the matchup, as work crews took their places on the field rather than the tunnel bench. In Steamboat Springs, the film “The White Desert” was shown to local audiences—a dramatic portrayal of snowbound railroads, shot not far from the actual tunnel’s western approach.

Community outreach extended beyond entertainment. Moffat Tunnel Commission Engineer Clifford Betts presented a lantern-slide lecture featuring 100 images explaining the tunnel’s construction—bringing visuals of the underground work to a public hungry to understand what lay beneath the mountains. Thanks to Walt Higley, a motion picture photographer from Longmont, new footage of the tunnel’s interior was finally captured. After several failed attempts by other crews—who declined the assignment due to extreme dust, moisture, and visibility hazards—the Du Pont Powder Company, eager to document its dynamite in action, turned to the Colorado Photo Company. The company sent Higley into the tunnel with arc lamps and a Pathé camera, one of the few portable and durable models capable of withstanding such conditions. Using hand-cranked exposure and powered only by the intense glare of arc lighting, Higley filmed the narrow, dust-filled bore from within. His footage, developed that same day in Denver, marked the first successful moving images from inside the mountain—and stands as a rare and remarkable testament to the conditions under which explosives, human effort, and engineering precision carved the Moffat Tunnel into being. To see a sample of this footage, please visit: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zMKZY7jCZH0

Tragedy, too, marked the month. On May 14, 1925, Orville J. Markham, just 25, died of pneumonia after contracting the illness while working at the tunnel. Yet even this fact became muddled in the speed of public reporting. Some newspapers stated he had worked at the East Portal, while others identified his post as the West Portal—a discrepancy that underscores how quickly information was moving and how often the public narrative lagged behind the facts on the ground. The Moffat Tunnel project was vast, complex, and logistically divided; errors like these reveal the difficulty even journalists faced in pinning down the particulars of a man’s final days in the shadows of the Divide.

Markham wasn’t the only one whose story was mistold. John Flueckiger, age 33, died in May as well. Early headlines—based on information relayed from Denver—claimed he had died at the West Portal, where he had “been working for some time.” But by the following evening, the Boulder Camera issued a correction: that account was incorrect. Flueckiger had not been employed on the Moffat Tunnel project at the time of his death. The misattribution, though quickly amended, illustrates how swiftly misinformation could be published—especially in a time when telegrams, word-of-mouth, and hurried deadlines shaped much of the public’s understanding of major undertakings like the tunnel.

Even technical data fell victim to this pace. For instance, published figures as of May 1 detailed linear footage of excavation progress with scientific precision:

  • The pioneer (or water) tunnel had reached 9,326 feet from the east portal and 7,431 feet from the west—totaling 16,756 feet, or 52 percent completion.
  • The main heading stood at 9,320 feet east and 6,936 feet west, for a combined 16,256 feet—50 percent completed.
  • Cross cuts totaled 693 feet overall—53 percent completed.
  • And the full-sized railroad bore had advanced 7,769 feet (5,987 east, 1,782 west)—just 24 percent completed.

Yet by May 11, newspapers were still circulating these same figures with little to no revision—despite ten full days of continued drilling and substantial daily progress. The omission wasn’t merely clerical; it reflected a broader pattern of delay between field realities and public reporting. In a project advancing by fifty feet per day on the East Portal alone, the difference between up-to-date figures and outdated ones could obscure hundreds of feet of achievement.

These discrepancies are not just footnotes, they are reminders. Reminders that amid the roar of drills and the rhythm of jazz orchestras, behind every milestone and percentage point, were real people whose stories could be blurred as quickly as they unfolded. By May 1925, steel drills and dynamite were as much a part of daily life as baseball gloves and saxophones. In this remote corner of the Rockies, men and machines weren’t just reshaping a mountain: they were reshaping their identity. Progress was measured not only in feet driven and concrete poured, but in community dances, new automobiles, and a growing pride in two towns finding their rhythm beneath the weight of a monumental task. Preserving this history with clarity is not just a scholarly exercise—it’s a responsibility to those who lived it. Because what they built wasn’t just a tunnel—it was a legacy. After all, the tunnel was no longer a dream—it was becoming inevitable.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | May 24, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

30Apr

Midway Beneath the Mountain: April 1925 at the Moffat Tunnel

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / April 30, 2025 / Comments are closed

In April 1925, as collapsing ground tested progress, the Moffat Tunnel neared midpoint—driven by George Lewis’ invention below James Peak.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

In early 1925, with the dream of traversing under James Peak only half fulfilled, George Lewis—assistant to the president of the Moffat Tunnel Commission—was appointed general manager of the project. A seasoned mine manager with long experience in Colorado’s Cripple Creek district, Lewis brought an inventive mind and steady leadership to a project facing mounting uncertainty. Tunnel workers had long struggled against unpredictable rock stresses—pressures too complex for the mathematical knowledge of the day. At the same time, the tunnel’s purpose—to replace the treacherous, weather-prone crossing over Rollins Pass with a safe, year-round rail connection between Denver and the Western Slope—was too important to abandon. Faced with overwhelming challenges at the West Portal, Lewis didn’t merely manage the crisis; he transformed it. His invention—the Lewis Traveling Cantilever Girder—would become one of the most significant breakthroughs of the entire tunnel enterprise.

Innovative ideas, particularly in engineering, often meet resistance—especially when they challenge methods long accepted as standard. When Lewis presented his design to the Commission, doubts quickly surfaced. The machine would be costly, and all previous attempts at holding wall-plates in unstable ground had fallen short. Experienced engineers could offer no solution better than the traditional methods already in place. Yet in choosing Lewis as their general manager, the Commission had selected a man who was no stranger to adversity—and who did not believe in the impossible.

The idea struck Lewis late one night after a discouraging engineering meeting at West Portal. Restless and unable to sleep, a vivid memory surfaced: months earlier, he had seen a house being moved through Denver’s Civic Center, supported on dollies and jacks. If something so seemingly slight could bear so much weight, he reasoned, perhaps a similar approach could temporarily support the tunnel arches until permanent structures could be installed. Springing from bed, Lewis immediately roused the engineering force and explained his idea. All through the night, they debated and sketched out the concept, testing its possibilities against the stubborn realities of the mountain.

Hardly had daylight come when Lewis, plan in pocket, sped toward Denver in a “fast motor car.” Arriving at the Commission’s offices, he invited the critical review of Clifford A. Betts, the Commission’s office engineer. Together they analyzed the plan point by point, made suggestions for improvement, and prepared a finished drawing. Lewis then built a small working model and presented it to the board of directors. Skepticism remained. The cost was substantial, and success was not guaranteed.

Calmly, Lewis addressed the Commission. “Gentlemen, let me build this machine. I believe in it. If it does what is expected, the Tunnel District will pay for it gladly. If it fails, the Commission can take a proportion of my salary each month until the cost has been met.” That quiet confidence broke through where argument could not, and permission was granted.

Construction of the full-scale girder began immediately.

C.A. Betts, Office Engineer of the Commission, has given the following description of the machine:

“The new needle bar consists of two 65-foot steel girders, 3½ feet in depth, tied together by rigid struts and braces and carried on dollies running along steel channels placed on 12-inch by 12-inch stringers resting on the bench, but it is designed to cantilever to the rear beyond the end of the bench a maximum distance of 20 feet, where it serves as a support for the arch timbers while the shovel removes the bench and the posts are being set. The roof load is transferred to the girders by means of cross-arms, suspended from these girders by stirrup hangers which extend beneath the wall-plates. The slack is taken up by 15-ton screw jacks. When excavation has proceeded to the maximum 20-foot overhang of the needle bar, it is moved ahead to a new position. This new needle bar carries an endless belt conveyor between the girders so that muck from the 18-foot by 10-foot widened heading into which the machine must move for the enlarging operation, can be carried out beyond the bench and dumped thru a chute into waiting cars in the completed tunnel. This feature has made the Lewis needle bar adaptable to the heading and bench method of tunneling, as well as to the service tunnel and cross-cut method where excavation from the heading was completed thru the cross-cut ahead of the bench. Such attachments to the girder as electric hoists for raising posts, light wiring and piping, add to its convenience and indicate its wide range of use.”

Installed in March 1925 and placed into operation in April, the Lewis Girder was set into the top heading of the tunnel, sustaining sixty feet of roof while excavation occurred beneath it. Unlike earlier cantilever devices, which had to be dismantled and rebuilt at each advance, Lewis’s girder traveled forward on its own track. It could overhang fourteen to twenty feet of freshly excavated tunnel without showing distress; when a heavy collapse occurred during timbering, one of the girder’s massive forty-two-inch steel beams bent but prevented a cave-in. When the load was removed, the beam sprang back to shape.

Lewis notably refused to patent it at the time, placing the success of the project over personal gain.

By April’s end, labor costs at West Portal had fallen from $3.61 to $2.24 per cubic yard. The cost of setting plumb posts dropped nearly 20%, and the time required for a full cycle of tunnel enlargement operations plummeted from twenty-three hours to just thirteen. The Lewis Girder didn’t merely save money; it stabilized a dangerously unpredictable tunnel and gave the project the momentum it desperately needed. Nicknamed “Big Bertha” by the workers at West Portal, the Lewis Girder was now an assured success.

The Lewis Girder was a triumph of American engineering improvisation—and one that grew directly from the working spirit of the tunnel’s crews.

By mid-April 1925, the broader tunnel project was reaching historic milestones. On April 15, the water bore crossed the halfway mark, with 16,223 feet completed out of the 32,426 feet needed to pierce through James Peak. This achievement came just one year and seven months after the contract was signed on September 12, 1923, despite full mechanical operations not beginning immediately. Early progress had been slowed by surveying challenges, installation of heavy equipment, and severe winter conditions, but once underway, the crews pushed forward with remarkable determination.

The railroad tunnel headings had advanced to approximately 48% completion, with full-size enlargement completed for about 22% of the total length across both sides. Cross cuts were 55% complete. Around 400 men worked at West Portal, and 275 at East Portal, each side battling very different conditions: collapsing ground in the west and shattering hard rock in the east. Both environments posed daily dangers to the crews, who advanced with little more than grit and perseverance.

In late April, workers at the East Portal of the Moffat Tunnel established a new world record for tunnel driving, when they bored a total distance of sixty-five feet in the main heading of the railroad tunnel in a total of twenty-four hours working time. Despite the world record, contemporary reports noted that “work on the Moffat Tunnel slacked up somewhat during the past month due to extra hard rock at East Portal and soft rock at West Portal. At East Portal a big seam of rock was encountered, some days 150 pieces of steel being broken. The rock is again approaching normal.” It was a striking irony of the project that the same mountain offered such different challenges—one side dangerously soft and unstable, the other side hard enough to shatter steel. The record reflected not just technical achievement but the relentless endurance of the tunnel crews.

Still, optimism ran high. The Commission expressed confidence that the tunnel “will be completed and trains running under the mountain before the winter of 1926.”

Recognition soon followed. In April, state examiners reviewed the Commission’s financial records, writing, “The bonds required of the treasurer and members of the commission are all on file and the unexpended balance is properly accounted for, as shown.” They further praised the tunnel’s progress, stating, “Taking into consideration the adverse conditions which have been met, particularly at the West Portal, the progress made has been remarkable. This may be accounted for in the morale of the employees and the new machinery invented or made over by them, as the various uncertainties arise with which to accomplish their motto, ‘Speed of Construction.’” That motto had become not just a slogan but a shared mission, uniting every worker inside the mountain.

At the same time, preparations were underway to bring the story of the tunnel to a national audience. From late March to early April, thousands of feet of film were shot at the tunnel’s western portal for The White Desert, a movie adaptation of Courtney Ryley Cooper’s novel. A newspaper article mentioned, “I was… privileged to see a private showing of the first two reels of film of Courtney Ryley Cooper’s novel. The reels are composed principally of ‘long shots’ of railroad operation at Corona and of activities at the western portal of the tunnel. Blasé dramatic critics and moving picture men who attended the preview were astounded at the marvelous photography and the scenic effects on ‘the Hill [over Rollins Pass].'” When completed and released, The White Desert was expected to introduce more than a million and a half people to the drama and ambition of the Moffat Tunnel project.

Meanwhile, life at West Portal was not solely defined by work and hardship. On April 23, 1925, the newly formed West Portal baseball team held its first practice at the Fraser Grounds. By mid-May, they hoped to be ready for their first competitive games—bringing camaraderie and a sense of community to one of Colorado’s most grueling construction efforts.

Though optimism filled the spring air, the mountain would continue to test those building the tunnel in ways they could scarcely imagine. Yet it was Lewis’s sleepless idea—and the unwavering resolve of hundreds—that pushed the Moffat Tunnel closer to the day when steel rails would finally run beneath the Continental Divide. The Lewis Traveling Cantilever Girder, born from desperation and daring, would stand as the defining construction innovation of the project—etched into the story of ingenuity, endurance, and a relentless belief that even the greatest barriers could be overcome.

Caption: The Lewis Traveling Cantilever Girder inside the Moffat Tunnel. While multiple transverse cross braces stabilized the structure, a single X-shaped brace is visible in this view, holding the two I-beam girders in rigid spaced relation. Below the girder, the unexcavated “bench” of rock is seen—the next section of tunnel slated for excavation. Looking closely, the untimbered side of the excavation can also be observed, particularly along the left side of the image.

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | April 30, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

30Mar

Death Beneath the Divide and Hollywood on the Hill: The Moffat Tunnel’s Pivotal March of 1925

In Moffat Tunnel by Preserve Rollins Pass / March 30, 2025 / Comments are closed

Fatalities, financing, and film crews converged at Colorado’s most ambitious engineering project in March 1925.

Moffat Tunnel Construction Happenings from 100 Years Ago

As winter loosened its grip in early 1925, March arrived with a torrent of headlines from the Moffat Tunnel—some grim, some extraordinary, and all underscoring the human cost and cultural reach of Colorado’s most ambitious infrastructure project.

The month opened under a shadow. On February 27, tragedy struck at the West Portal when falling rock “struck and instantly killed Weaver W. Wilson,” a 21-year-old shift boss. According to contemporary accounts, Wilson and a crew had been widening the tunnel’s wall plates beyond crosscut No. 4. After setting a small charge of dynamite to break down the wall, the crew rushed back into the bore prematurely. Loose rock, dislodged by the blast, collapsed upon them. Wilson did not survive.

The following week, death visited the East Portal. In an incident reported under the blunt headline, “Tunnel Engineer Killed,” A. E. Adams, age 60, succumbed to injuries sustained on the job. On March 2, Adams died following the amputation of his arm after his hand became caught in machinery, his arm pulled into the cogs nearly to the shoulder. (The Routt County Sentinel, March 13, 1925)

These fatal accidents underscored the dangerous conditions that accompanied every foot of progress through Colorado’s Continental Divide—a reality often overshadowed by the tunnel’s promise of modernity and progress.

Not all March headlines were solemn. Editorial wit occasionally punctuated the bleakness. The Eaton Herald published a sardonic note about the delays and mounting obstacles: “Says Editor Hogue of the Eaton Herald: ‘Colorado has enough coal to supply the world for 500 years.’ Colorado has enough coal to supply the world for a period as long as the Christian era and then can supply coal for the needs of an orthodox Hell for a thousand years more. Just finish the Moffat Tunnel.”

Farther down the hill, in the Nederland area, sorrow took a quieter, more personal form. Patrick Flynn, a longtime resident who had sought work on the tunnel after the collapse of the local tungsten boom, was found dead in a cabin on Saturday afternoon—likely March 7. His friend William James discovered him lying fully dressed across his bed, a gallon jug of alcohol nearby. A newspaper published on March 9 reported that “bad bootleg” appeared to be the cause. Flynn had recently returned from the East Portal and had been planning a trip to Denver; whether he completed that journey or obtained his liquor locally remained uncertain.

While crews and contractors grappled with fatalities, accidents, and daily risks, engineers and financiers contended with another growing threat: money.

By month’s end, the financial reality became impossible to ignore. On March 31, the Moffat Tunnel Commission announced the flotation of an additional $2,500,000 bond issue—a second wave of financing to ensure the tunnel’s completion. The new loan followed an earlier $6,720,000 bond issue secured in 1922.

“The money was borrowed in New York at 5.25 percent interest—less than the rate on the present $6,720,000 bond issue, which is 5.5 percent. The principal is repayable in ten yearly installments, beginning in 1964.”

Officials emphasized that tunnel district residents would not face taxation, asserting that rental revenue from the railroads using the tunnel would cover the debt. However, it was an open secret that the project’s costs had long outstripped initial projections. As newspapers reported: “For almost a year it has been known that the money provided by the issue of Moffat Tunnel bonds would be insufficient…. Extraordinary conditions have been encountered and the amount provided by the original laws of Moffat Tunnel bonds is inadequate.”

The “extraordinary conditions” included unstable, soft rock at the West Portal, necessitating costly reinforcement, concrete lining over four miles, timbering, and relentless excavation. Financing was once again arranged through R. M. Grant & Co. of New York, the same firm that had underwritten the earlier loan.

Despite mounting setbacks and financial strain, reports in March 1925 emphasized steady progress underground. Newspapers noted that “within two weeks the water tunnel and the main heading in the railroad tunnel will be 50% complete, and only eighteen months have passed.” Optimism grew that, if conditions held, the tunnel might be completed the following year.

Each day that month, approximately 1,500 cubic yards of rock and earth were hauled from the bore and dumped from the tracks—a staggering volume of material removed daily as crews continued their relentless advance beneath the Divide.

Yet amid death, debt, and daily toil, March 1925 delivered an unexpected glimmer of glamour—from none other than Hollywood. Across Colorado, newspapers carried a headline that stood apart from the usual accounts of blasting, bonds, and broken ground:

“World to Learn of Moffat Tunnel Through Filming of The White Desert

Metro-Goldwyn Studios had dispatched a film crew to the Divide to shoot on location for The White Desert, a cinematic adaptation of Courtney Ryley Cooper’s snowbound railroad drama. Filming took place at both portals of the Moffat Tunnel and at Corona Station. The production team traveled by special train and endured harsh conditions at altitude, filming amid snow and cold, while Colorado newspapers relished the novelty of a motion picture studio embedded in the mountains.

A March 25 feature in The Craig Empire captured the scale of the project:

“A million and a half people will know of the Moffat Tunnel and the tunnel district by the end of this year, through the medium of The White Desert, now being filmed by the Metro-Goldwyn studios.”

Directed by Reginald Barker and starring Pat O’Maley, Billy Eugene, and leading lady Claire Windsor, The White Desert dramatized the plight of a village trapped by snow—an ordeal the Moffat Tunnel itself was designed to render obsolete. Early footage, shown privately to Denver audiences, featured sweeping shots of the Hill’s winter wilderness and construction scenes at the West Portal. Critics and film insiders marveled at the imagery.

Production conditions, however, were anything but glamorous. Cameramen reportedly fainted from exhaustion and altitude, toppling over in the snow while grinding footage on snowshoes. E. E. Brockman, a Moffat Railroad official overseeing the film crew’s logistics, quipped that the railroad could guarantee fair spring weather every year simply by inviting a movie studio to film.

The studio’s hope? A late-season blizzard to lend realism to the storm scenes. Nature, however, remained stubbornly mild. Indeed, weather records from Corona Station for March 1925 reflect relatively mild conditions, with a total of just 1.80 inches of precipitation that month. The mean maximum temperature reached 57.1°F, while the mean minimum was 19.7°F. Notably, on two days—March 26 and March 31—the temperature climbed to an unseasonably warm 75°F.

The White Desert was slated for release in May 1925, as a Metro super-production*, already booked in first-run theaters nationwide. Its promotional impact was undeniable: within weeks of its premiere, audiences across the country would come to know of the Moffat Tunnel—not through engineering reports or financial statements, but through the sweeping images captured on the silver screen. And while the cameras soon departed the Divide, the real story of the tunnel—marked by hardship, loss, and perseverance—was still unfolding deep beneath Colorado’s mountains.

*The term “Metro super-production” was used by Metro-Goldwyn studios in the 1920s to designate a film of significant scale, budget, and promotional effort. These productions were considered the studio’s premier offerings, intended for wide release in first-run theaters and accompanied by extensive advertising campaigns. In contemporary terms, a “super-production” was akin to what would later be called a blockbuster—a high-profile film designed to attract national attention and large audiences.

We’ve reproduced the full article below—it’s a captivating read that deserves to be preserved. (Minor spelling and typographical errors have been silently corrected for clarity.)

World to Learn of Moffat Tunnel Through Filming of The White Desert

By NEIL W. KIMBALL
A million and a half people will know of the Moffat tunnel and the tunnel district by the end of this year, through the medium of “The White Desert,” now being filmed by the Metro-Goldwyn studios.

Through the courtesy of R. J. Garland, Denver manager of the big motion picture company, I was this week privileged to see a private showing of the first two reels of film of Courtney Ryley Cooper’s novel.

The reels are composed principally of “long shots” of railroad operation at Corona and of activities at the western portal of the tunnel. Blase dramatic critics and moving picture men who attended the pre-view were astounded at the marvellous photography and the scenic effects on “the Hill.”

Many thousands of feet of the picture have already been taken and the footage will run into the hundreds of thousands before the company returns to the Hollywood studios to put the finishing touches on the production. “The White Desert” deals with a snowbound village and the efforts of hardy railroaders to carry relief to the beleaguered villagers. With the picture are scenes and explanations showing that such a condition will no longer be possible when the Moffat tunnel is completed.

The first detachment of Metro players has been on “the hill” for the past two weeks. Reginald Barker, famous director, is in charge of the party, which has a special train sidetracked at the loop. The shooting is under the personal direction of Assistant Director Schenk.

Pat O’Maley, who plays the leading role in “The White Desert,” and Billy Eugene, juvenile, together with other male members of the company, are “doing their stuff” daily above timberline.

The women of the cast, headed by Miss Claire Windsor, who will play the lead, will arrive in Denver this week some time and go on location immediately.

Right now the company is praying for a blizzard to take some of the storm scenes which are a vital part of the action. Oddly enough, the weather has continued “bright and fair” on the Hill for the past fortnight, and E. E. Brockman, Moffat railroad official who is major domo of the motion picture party, says that the Moffat road could well afford to pay the Metro company to send a party to Corona every spring to insure good weather.

The work of the actors and the four motion picture camera men is gruelling in the extreme. The entire party came from balmy California, and not only is the cold weather bothering them, but altitude claims its victims at irregular intervals. It is not unusual to see a cameraman busily grinding one minute and the next toppling head-over-heels in the snow, his snowshoes only preventing him from sinking out of sight.

“The White Desert” is booked for release in May and will be rated as one of Metro’s super-productions. It has already been contracted for by first-run picture houses all over the country and will prove to be a source of valuable publicity to Northwestern Colorado.

The Craig Empire, March 25, 1925

B. Travis Wright, MPS | Preserve Rollins Pass | March 30, 2025

The primary purpose of our work is to inform the public.

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